In the eye of the storm: Women in Post-revolutionary Iran
Ed. Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika Friedl
1994
The status of women and female children in Iran: an
update from the 1986 census, Akbar Aghajanian
p. 49
…It seems that while literacy is considered worthwhile by the government and
the people for both males and females, higher education, especially in rural
areas and for women, is not.
p. 52
……excess female child mortality is related to malnutrition resulting from
discrimination in food distribution. Female children are fed a lower quantity
and quality of the food available. This pattern of discrimination as practiced
from early childhood on, and the surviving female children are socialized to
accept and practice it throughout their lives. Hence, it can be expected that
such discriminatory beliefs and practices are reflected in mothers' attitudes
toward food distribution.
p. 58
The analysis of data in this paper suggests that a system of gender
stratification is deeply rooted in the Iranian culture. Under conditions of
economic depression and limited resources, it can be expected that the ingrained
gender inequality will become even more rigid and more easily expressed than in
times of plenty, and that discriminatory practices against women will reassert
themselves, especially in the lower socioeconomic classes and in rural areas.
The Majles and Women's issues in the Islamic
Republic of Iran, Haleh Esfandiari
p. 63
Since the establishment of the Islamic republic, regulations and legislation,
including issues affecting women, have been enacted by a number of different
bodies. From February 1979 until the first Majles convened in June 1980, all
laws emanated from the Revolutionary Council, which ruled by decree. The
Assembly of Experts sat between August and November 1979 and drafted the new
Constitution, which was approved in a national referendum in December. Once the
Majles convened, it took over from the Revolutionary Council the task of
enacting legislation. At all times, Ayatollah Khomeini, as Iran's supreme
leader, was deemed to have the authority to issue religious opinions and decrees
which, for all practical purposes, had the effect of law. The reimposition of
Islamic dress on women, for example, came as a result of a ruling by Khomeini.
The tide appeared to turn against women within days of the establishment of the
new regime. There were no women in the Revolutionary Council or in the
government of Mehdi Bazargan, whom Khomeini appointed the first prime minister
of the Islamic republic. Women in the civil service who continued to work in
senior decision-making positions across the watershed of the revolution were
soon purged or given early retirement. In March 1979, Knomeini reimposed Islamic
dress (hejab) on women working in government offices. Later this requirements
was extended to all women. The Family Protection Law of 1967, which granted
women the right to divorce, made polygyny very difficult, gave preference to
mothers in child custody cases, and raised the age of marriage for girls and
boys, was suspended on the strength of a decision issued by Ayatollah Khomeini's
office.
Temporary marriage: an Islamic discourse on female
sexuality in Iran, Shahla Haeri
p. 105
In the present form, temporary marriage is a form of contract in which a man
(married or unmarried) and an unmarried woman (virgin, divorced, or widowed)
agree, often privately and verbally, to marry each other for a limited period of
time, varying anywhere from one hour to 99 years. The couple also agree on a
specific amount of bride price, to be given to the woman. Unlike permanent
marriage, temporary marriage does not oblige a husband to provide financial
support for his temporary wife. A Shii Muslim man is allowed to make several
contracts of temporary marriage at the same time, in addition to the four
permanent wives legally allowed all Muslim men. Women, however, may not marry
either temporary or permanently more than one man at a time.
p. 106
The Shii ulema perceive temporary marriage as distinct from prostitution,
despite the structural similarities. For them, temporary marriage is legally
sanctioned and religiously blessed, while prostitution is legally forbidden,
religiously reprehensible, and therefore challenges the social order and the
sectioned rules for the associations of sexes. Prostitution is viewed as
detrimental to the society's general health and welfare by violating its ethics
and ethos. On the contrary, the ulema argue that temporary marriage, while
performing a similar sexual function, indicates obedience to the law and social
order. Those who resort to it, therefore, are perceived to follow a divinely
recommended way to satisfy "natural" urges. Not only is temporary
marriage not considered immoral from a religious and legal perspective, it is
actually considered to prevent corruption and prostitution.
p. 106-7
Despite attempts to revive temporary marriage in present-day Iran, it is still a
marginal and stigmatized institution, associated with many conflicting moral
values. Its practice has put religion and popular culture at odds. Whereas there
is no religious restriction preventing virgin women from contracting a temporary
marriage (and Mr. Rafsanjani's comments are in accord with the theological
tradition here), popular culture demands that a woman be a virgin at the time of
her first permanent marriage. While the more westernized and educated urban
Iranians, particularly the clerics, view it as a divinely sanctioned and
"rewarded" activity, preferable to the "decadent"
western-style promiscuity and "free love".
p. 110
Most middle-class Iranian women perceived temporary marriage as degrading and a
threat to the security and stability of the family. Many divorced lower-class
women, however, perceived it, though not without ambivalence, as a way to escape
their marginal, restrictive, and unfavorable status as either divorced or
widowed women. Given the stigma attached to divorce, many of these women are not
welcome back in their own natal families and often have nowhere to go. They are
vulnerable and marginalized. Temporary marriage, therefore, provides them with
some relief, with an "escape", as an informant put it. The motivation
of many divorced women for engaging in this form of marriage is not so
exclusively to find a source of economic support, as has been maintained by Shii
juridical texts and in orthodox Shii circles, but a desire for love and
affection, for human companionship which was lacking in their broken permanent
marriages.
Sources of female power in Iran, Erika Friedl
p. 162
Mothers tend to use their children, especially their daughters, as sources of cheep
labor and information about other people. Although mothers have no legal rights
over their children beyond an early age under Islamic family laws, they find
children easy to manipulate and cultivate as their supporters. And although
stories of sons and daughters who neglect their aging mothers abound, every
woman sees the work she does for her children as an investment in her future.
Thus, in the absence of other possibilities to use work as a source of power,
women in the Islamic Republic now more so than before can be expected to try to
use their household duties and household resources, including children, in this
way. Despite the hardships, having many children is viewed as one way-for many
women the only way-to establish themselves as actors in their own rights.
Cross-ref Saayed about respecting old people in Islam
p. 165
Women in Iran have the right to vote. Yet although voting gives women a voice in
political matters equal to men, not all women, especially not rural ones,
consider it a source of power. A woman's vote is often regarded as her husband's
or father's second vote: he will determine how she is to vote.
Similarly, women do not regard law and the courts as sources of power and rarely
use them, even if in a particular instance the law would indeed be in their
side. Involving the court in one's affairs is taken as a sign of failure of the
informal, traditional, honorable ways of dealing with problems and thus is
easily seen as shameful, especially for women. Furthermore, few women have the
economic and strategic-assertive resources to go to court alone and plead their
case, especially against a male relative.
For example, when in a small town a young woman's husband died, his relatives
sent her back to her father without her two infant children. Although the law
gave her the right to keep her children at least for a specific time, and
although she missed her children badly and fell into serious depression, her
father decided not to press the issue in court to avoid the embarrassment of a
public fight. The woman felt completely unable to deal with the problem herself,
especially over the objection of her father. For similar reasons, women who are
denied their legal share of the inheritance by their brothers usually
"pardon" it rather than face a court battle with them.
As mentioned before, politically correct demeanor helps a woman with
professional aspirations. In this regard, one could say the government provides
a script for women who want to attain power positions, be it as a school
principal, a medical professional, an elected member of a village or town
council, or an employee of an intelligence agency. In the last three instances,
"successful" women use their government-bestowed powers against other
women in the interest of the male dominants, thereby supporting women's
domination. Thus, the government makes it possible for some women to advance
individually without emancipation.
The legal status of women in the family in Iran,
Sima Pakzad
p. 175
…In Islamic law polygyny is permitted only if the husband is able to be
equally fair to all his wives. The Civil Code has designed the husband himself
as the sole judge of whether he can be equally fair to two or more wives.
p. 177
…not only the father and the paternal grandfather have legal priority over the
mother for the guardianship of the child, but also any other person who is
appointed as the executor can supercede the mother, who is left without any
authority in administering her child's estate, including the property that she
herself might have given to her child. If the child does not have a legal
guardian (that is, father, paternal grandfather or an guardian appointed by
either of them), the Special Civil Tribunal shall, upon the recommendation of
the public prosecutor, appoint an executor to administer the child's estate. The
main difference between the court-appointed executor and the legal guardian is
that the executor must perform his or her duties under the supervision of the
public prosecutor and submit to him an annual fiscal report, whereas the legal
guardian acts freely and independently in administering the child's estate. The
mother of the child, if competent, has priority over others for becoming the
executor of her child;' estate, provided that she has not remarried.